LETTER 



MK. §MITH, OF ALABAMA, 

On ike occurrences ivhich have prevented an organization of the House of 
Representatives of the Thirty-Fourth Congress. 



To my Constituents of ike Fourth Congressional District of Alabama : 

Washington, January 23, 1856. 

Supposing (hat you participate in the general anxiety which prevails through- 
out the country in reference to the present extraordinary condition of the House 
of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, I liave thought it due 
to you and to myself that I should give you a brief statement of the facts as 
they now exist, and of some of the most remarkable occurrences which find 
their history in the records of our proceedings up to this time. 

That some party is to blame all must admit ; who is to blame is the great 
question. I shall endeavor to show that the small party with which I have acted, 
known here as the National Americans, is free from censure. If I fail in this, 
you will charge the bias of my judgment to the partiality which every man is 
expected to have for his own friends; if I succeed, you will give me credit for 
the loftier purpose of vindicating our integrity, and of proclaiming the patriotic 
firmness with which we have resisted the efforts of the enemies of our party 
and of the foes to the Constitution. 

It was the opinion of many of (he most experienced politicians, upon the 
openincr of Congress, that we should have much difficulty in organizing the 
House. Most of us expected to be a week or two engaged in these preliminary 
labors ; the precedent of 1849 was still fresh in our recollections ; and when we 
found ourselves without a Speaker at the end of the first week, but little astonish- 
ment or anxiety prevailed on the subject in the political circles here. The second 
week passed without awakening any serious apprehensions. The third week 
came, and (so strong is the force of habit) everybody seemed (o conclude that 
the only use in going to the Capitol was to vote a few times for Speaker, merely 
as a matter of form, without even expecting an election. In the mean time the 
deba(es began to assume the character of asperity. Bitter language, sharp 
retort, and fierce defiance, characterized the speeches of many gentlemen. It 
was evident that the difficulties in the way of an organization were becoming 
greater; that the debates widened the breacli continually. In this condicioti 
of thino-s, on the ■20th of December, I offered the following proposition : 

" Resolved^ (for tlic informal promotion of Imsincss,) That this House proceed to the election 
of two standing; committees — the Committee of Ways and Means and the Committee on Foreign 
Affairs — upon'the following plan: 

" The Republican party (vottng one hundred and five) shall nominate four. 

" The Admmistration party (voting seventy -four) shall nominate three. 

" The National American party (voting forty) shall nominate two. 

" That the said committees shall each elect its chairman by a majority vote. 

" That the two chairmen, beginning with the chairman of the Committee of Ways and 
Means, shall preside alternately over the deliberations of the House until a Speaker shall be 
elected. 



9 A3 



A 



.. Th.. Ihc H«a«. d.Tot* one hourcrcry day to ihc reception and reference of bills and peti- 

"^r:;" " ' '•'"'"■"■ ''''T''.;i!^d^pon the oWlion of a speaker, and their business 

(hall umiitccs appoiniod by the Speaker." 

Tl..^ object of xius proportion appears „pon its face. There was but little 
d.M.uM„o., to idopt it on the part of the House, and .t uent the way of all the 
other pr«po=.iUoui referring to an or-anizaiion which have up to this tune been 

*"lt"i'."novv thp eighth wc-.-k of the Session, an.l the prospects of aii organization 
•re •« rcmoli.. lo all appearance, as on the first day. Indeed, there does not 
•com to bo the ^h.-htct hope of the election ..f a Speaker. This state ol thmgs 
i« well calcnUtcd to inspire the gloomiest apprehensions as to the lutiire ol the 
Republic ; and severe hhould be the punishment of that man or of that party 
Hho has contributed to bring about and to proton:; this legislative anarchy. 

There are three parti.-s in the Honse_ihe Republican party, (so called,) 
whose candidate is Mr. Rv.NKs; the Administration party, whose candidate is 
Mr. Kicmardson; and the National American party, whose candidate is Mr. 
Filler. OniMde of those who vote in these parties, there are some twelve or 
fifu'en votes acalienng. i • c i 

The ]{anks party, u ith a part of the scattering votes, could elect their Speaker. 

The Kichordboii parly, combined with the Fuller party, with a part of the 
scattering votes, could elect their Speaker. 

The Fuller parly, combined with the Richardson party, with a part of the 
BCaltering votes, could eh;ct their Speaker. 

Neither of these combinations has yet been made; and the only one which 
can be made, as maiters now stand, is that the Ba.nks party should elect by the 
aid of ihf scattering vote. 

The .National American party, from an early period in the session, finding it 
imposMble to elect i Speaker of their own choice, have felt, as a l)arty, and ex- 
pressed a perfect willingness to cooperate will) the conservative members of the 
House of all parties with a view to efiVct an organization. Several overtures, in 
Yarioun wnys, iiave been made to the A.lminislratioii party by leading membeis of 
the National American party, nil of which, I believe, have been rejected. 

Of course it could not be e\pe«led that the National Americans would con- 
template a rombination with tli«; Republican party. 

liul why have the National Americans not united with the Administration 
parly in the election of a Speaker? The reasons which follow will, I think, be 
deemed fully fiuHicienl. 

Thai ilic .Vdimiiisiraiion party is the im|)lacable enemy of the American party 
16 aullicieiitly clear in ihe notorious fact that no member of the American party 
U allowed lo hold oUice under it. Kven the Mnallest postmaster is removed as 
aoon as it is discovered that he belongs to the American party. This will not 
le denied. 13ut ajiarl from this, the Administration party in the House of Rep- 
vcM>iilative(<, on the Saturday night before llie meeting of Congress, adopted the 
Culiowing resolution : 

•* Itrvlrtrl, Tint tlip Dt mocmtic in<inHrr« <>f ilip House of Represontniives, t]»oiig;h in a 
Uni 11 thm hi'dy. df<'iii tliii* n fit orcii.sion to ti'ndcr to iln'ir fcllow-eitizons of 

Uif V. • In nrtMl ront:rutiiliitiniiH on tin: iriiuinili, in tlie rtccnt clcotions in scv- 

rrnl •-'■■rn, tiiid \n hi<tii, im wi'II n.s soiidii'i-n Slatrs, of tlie, principles of 

iJif A, •! iIk; diictriiMH of ••ivi! and nlifciuu.s liherty, wliicli nave been so 

ritil' ' poliurnl order known ns llie Kin'v-IVotliin^' jvirty: and, though 

in * 1 ti lo l«- our l)ij;li<«t duty to pngirve our organization, and continue our 

»ffi.: nic< niid di f< Mfff of ihom- priiiciiilts.and the constitutional rights of every 

■' 'iiiNi tin ir opponiiits of every discriptioii, win thcr tlie 

I I'tMtmisln; Mild to liiis iiicj \vc look with cnnfidrncc lo 
, d and uuc men— friends of the CoiiKliiulion and the 
LiuoD^liirvughuui UivcuuiiUy." 



In this resolution the American party [Know Nothings] is represented to 
the country, by the solemn resolve of the Administration party, as having 
" violently assailed the doctrines of civil and religious liberty,'^ and also as 
" opponents of the principles which preserve the constitutional rights of every 
section and every class of citizens." Tiiese charges, disgraceful in themselves, 
were published to the world at the very moment when all conservative men were 
anxiously seeking excuses to come together for the purpose of promoting an 
organization. This resolution of hostility, so emphatic in itself, was enough 
to close the door against any attempt at conciliation. Nevertheless, nearly all 
t!ie National Americans, in view of the inconveniences and dangers growing 
out of a continuous and protracted disorganization, were anxious for an accom- 
modation. Regarding this resolution as i\\i^\'d.si grand fiourish of an excited and 
expiring party, many were willing to let it pass unheeded, and to find its excuse 
in the ()olitical hallucination of its conception. But we were not permitted to 
do this. Day after day the Administration side of the Hall of the Hous-e 
resounded with denunciation of the American party. In reply to an overture 
made by a distinguished member of the American party, that he was willing to 
have a conference with the conservative men of all parties, the honorable Mr. 
Jones, of Pennsylvania, the author of the aforesaid resolution and the leader at 
that time of the Adminiistration forces, emphatically said: " The Democratic party 
will not go into any but a Democratic caucus." This seemed to be a clincher; 
for the phrase met with the silent but smiling and approbatory indorsement of 
the Administration party. 

But it remained for the honorable gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Cobb] to 
crush the last hopes of an accommodation. In a speech which he delivered on 
the 21st of December, 1855, in the House — a speech more remarkable for its 
vituperation than for its originality — I find the following passages : 

" I am speokina: of the triumph of the people, in common witli the Democratic party, in 
various Stales of this Union, over a party which carried before them the banner of proscrip- 
tion, with oatiis and obhgations in tiieir hands. I will say frankly and candidly to the 
gentleinan from Kentucky^ that if this House were never to be organized without it, my vote 
would never be given for the representative of any party which has inscribed on its banner the 
doctrine of these oaths and obligations." 

The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Cobb) describes the American party as — 

" A secret, political organization springing up in our midst; and, before we were aware of 
it, a large part of our people were bound by solemn oaths and oljligations to subject their 
fellow-citizens to a new test unknown to the past political history of the country, and, as we 
honestly believed, then and now, violative of the constitutional rights of many good, worthy, 
and patriotic citizens of this land." 

Again : 

" As desirable as the organization of this House may be to the Democratic party, as 
desirable as it may be to a large majority of the people of the country that the organization 
shall fall into our hands, I say frankly and candidly to my friends of the National American 
order that a Democratic organization of this House never will be purchased, with my vote, 
by the sacrifice of the principles involved in the resolution passed by the Democratic caucus." 

Here is a distinct avowal by the honorable gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. 
Cobb,) that he never will vote for a member of the American party. 

These extracts show that the gentleman from Georgia (and his friends are 
supposed to agree with him) regards the American party as entirely outside of 
the pale of the Democratic organization. These extracts but confirniXhe caucus 
resolution, that the American parly are prescriptive in their policy and unfaithful 
to the Constitution. If it be necessary to show that the gentleman from Georgia 
regards the American party as enemies to the Constitution, the following, from 
the same speech, will close the proof that such is his opinion: 

"Mr. Cox. Will the gentleman from Georgia, as he addresses his remarks to me, allow 




to irlial pailii he beloturs. [Ap])lausi' in thi! i^allcries.] 



• w II '■III yfil/l_(/ lie UCllJili^S, ^ *'VI »l »UlU»f 111 lilt: i^ill H I It s>. J 

" Mr. CuBB. I cannot sare my counlry by votiiij^ for a man who docs not recognize thefun- 
damentul jirinciplti ol* the Constitulioii of my country." 

Here the American party is deiiouiiced aa "not recognizing iha fundamental 
principles of the Constitution." Other gentlemen of the same party usecl plirases 
ctiually oljeclionable. 

Thus jou see, my fellow-citizens, that the National American parly found 
ihenjftclves in a condition either not to vote for the Adminislralion candidate, 
or to sacrilice every feeling of self-respect, and to admit publicly that they were 
iinl'iilhfiil to the Cnnstiiution of ihfe country, and that they were enemies to 
civil and religious liberty. 

The consecjtience of the caucus resolution and of the speech of the gcnilemaii 
from Geor^fia, indorsed, as it has been, by the Administration parly, has been 
simply (o tiirow the National Americans ii[)on the dignity of self-respect; and 
Jieiice they have been found voting for a distinguished and faithful member of 
their own organization. 

II the National Americans could not be expected to unite with the Repub- 
licans ; if the Adnjinistration party positively, by resoliition ar)d speeches, 
repelled ihem, what else could they do but remain steadfast to their principles 
and firm by their candidate } It is true that we have been at liberty at all times 
to vote for whom we please; we have never been debarred from voting for the 
Administration candidate, or for any other man ; but we do not choose to lick 
the hand (hat strikes us, nor are we quite Christianlike enough to turn our other 
cheek to the smiter. 

I will now call upon the honorable gentleman from (Jeorgia (Mr. Cobb) and 
my distinguished colleague (Mr. Houston) to convict the Repu!)licnns of the 
responsibility. On (he 19th of January the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Cobb) 
made the following happy and conclusive charge against the Republicans: 

" Mr. Cobb. One word more, Mr. Clerk, in rrfcrence to the ref^onsibUihi for the or<raniza- 
txon of thu Houio, and I am done. I have not risen to go into this discussion. The record 
of this House during; the last few days exhibits litis fact to the country: tiiat tlie Republican 
party, as they call themselves and are termed, had it in tiieir power to place in the Speaker's 
chair a niemljcr of their own party who, at the commencement of this session, received the 
highest number of votes of that party for that position. The resolution offered by the gentle- 
man from Iowa (Mr. Tiiorington) declared the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Campbell) to be 
the Speaker of the House for the Thirty-Fourth Congress. He received, I believe, the votes 
of fifty members of this House. There were voting against that resolution fifty-two mem- 
bers of the Ilepubhcan party— fifty-two of those who have cast their votes for the gentle- 
man from -Massachusetts, (Mr. IJaxks.) If thesi- fifty-iwo who voted tigainsl the resohiiion 
had voted for him, the resolution would have been adopted, and Mr. Cami-bell would have 
been elected tile Speaker of this House. These gentlemen thereby placed tliemselves before 
the country in this position: that they are not content to organize this House with a member 
of thc-ir own party, and a memiicr who was the choice of a plurality of that parly at thecom- 
rnencemenl of the se.ssion; tliey would rather that Congress should remain disorganized and 
the Gdvernment to cease to go on with its operations than place a man of their own parly— a 
nian having the confidence of that party, agreeing with them in principle, and capable to dis. 
charge the duties of the office— in the Speaker '.s^chair. Such i.s the record, so far, of this 
soji.sioM of Congress. Their issue is Mr. Banks and disorganization, in prefc rmce to amem- 
l"r of their own party, against whom they have urged no personal or political objection. 
Ihe r..Ki.oii.sibility IS wi.h ihem, and thev are to .satisfy die country that such a position aa 
Uie one which they have assumed can be justified." 

So much for the charge of the honorable genlleman from Georgia (Mr. Cobb;) 
It I.s admiti«-d to be supported by the record. The logic is gootfand oiiclii-ne, 
and wa.-<MjMinn<-d on the same day by mv friend from Alabama, (Mr. Houston,) 
ill a speech to this circct. Speaking to 'the Republicans, he (Mr. H.) said : 



6 

" You M-ant to elect one particular man. If you had only voted the other day for tho.honorable 
and distinsfuished gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Campbell,) he would have been elected. If I am 
not mistaken, all these scattering votes, or nearly every one of them, fell in and were cast for 
that gentleman; and if the Banks men had fallen in, Mr. Campbell could have Ijeen elected, 
and would have been elected. You are therefore the party that has the power to organize this 
House." 

The Republican party, having had the power to elect a member of their own 
party, as earnestly anil eloquently urged by the two gentlemen above (juoted, 
and having failed to do so, are justly obno.xious to the charge that, for that delin- 
quency, they are the responsible party. 

But they failed to do it; new responsibilities arose ; and now we will put the 
boot on the other kg, and see how it fits. 

On Monday, the 21st instant, the honorable gentleman from Viririnia (Mr. 
Carlile) offered a resolution that the honorable William Smith, a Represent- 
ative in Congress from Virginia, should be declared Speaker of the House of 
Representatives. Upon that resolution a vote was taken, and JNIr. Smith 
received forty-seven votes — amongst which was, I believe, every member of the 
National American party present, except one. Here is the vote for JNIr. Smith : 

Yeas — Messrs. Bowie, Boyce, Broom, John P. Campbell, Carlile, Williamson R. W. Cobb, 
Cox, Cullen, Dowdell, Etheridge, Eustis, Evans, Faulkner, Foster, Henry M. P'uller, J. 
Aforrison Harris, Herbert, Hoffman, Kennett, Lake, Lindley, Alexander K. Marshall, 
HumYhrey Mm-i^haW, JMcMullln, ^Mc(lueen, Millson, Paine, (luitman, Reade, Ready, i?ic/i.arrfson, 
Rust, Srtrage, William R. Smith, Stewart, Swope, Talbott, Taylor, Trippe, Underwood, Valk, 
Walker, Warner, Watkins, Whitney, John V. Wright, and Zollicoffer — 47. 

Those italicised are amongst the immortal seventy-four (as the Union calls 
them) who have voted for Mr. Richardson throughout the ballotings. Of the 
seventy-four, Mr. Smith received but nineteen votes; forty-five Richardson 
men voted against Mr. Smith. Forty-seven and forty-five make nitiety-tvvo 
votes. The whole vote polled was one hundred and seventy-eight, of which 
ninety would have been a majority of all the votes given. So if tiie Richardson 
men had voted for Mr. Smith he would have been elected Speaker, with two 
votes to spare, and this protracted and painful controversy would have been 
brought to a close by placing in the chair an old Democrat, a good Nebraska 
man, and one of the seventy-four who have rigidly adhered to Mr. Richardson. 

Who is William Smith .'' A distinguished Democrat, once Governor of A-^ir- 
ginia, member of the last Congress, a man of high political attainment, and great 
political sagacity — honest, faithful, capable ! Where, now, rests the responsi- 
bility .? Will any man say that Mr. Smith, of Virginia, is not as fully national 
on the great test, the jXebraska act, as is Mr. Richardson? Where, now, rests 
the responsibility .' I here take the liberty of repeating to you, my fellow-citizens, 
and through you to the once great Administration party of the House of Rep- 
resentatives, the exact speech which the honorable gentleman from Georgia (Mr. 
Cobb) repeated with so much force and energy to the Republican party, only 
changing the name of Mr. Campbell to that of ]\Ir. Smith, and making such 
alterations as the fiirures and facts authorize. 

Here is Mr. Cobb's speech, slightly changed: 

" One v/ord more, Mr. Clerk, in reference to the responsibility for the organization of the House, 
and I am done. I have not risen to go into this discussion. The record of this House during 
the last few days exhibits this fact to the country: that the Administration party, as they call 
themselves and are termed, had it in their power to place in the Speaker's chair a member of 
their ov/n party. The resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Car/i/e) declared 
the gentleman from Virginia (J\Ir. Smith) to be the Speaker of the House for the Thirty-Fourth 
Congress. He received, I believe, the votes of forty-seven members of this House. There were 
▼oting against that resolution forty-five members of the Administration party — forty-five of those 
who have cast their votes for the gentleman from IlUno'is, [Mr. Richardson.) If these forty- 
five who voted against the resolution had voted for him, the resolution would havi? beea 
adopted, and Mr. Smith would have been elected the Speaker of this House. These gentlcmoo 



6 

(Ikt.' .• plnrid tlan>nelvc8 before tlir> country in tills position: that 

ll„s liiM n.iuKi- \» itii II iii.nilMr of tli<ir own piuiy. They would 

. ' mizfcl, niul liic- Govcriumnt to ciase to go on with 

uii parly — nsrrt-fiiiir with tlieni in principle, and 
— Ill th<? is|ii'akor's> rlmir. Such is the record, so 
,.n». 1 icir i»au.- JH .Vr. y/ic/iniv/son and disorganization, in pref* 
.r owu pnrly, njjuinst wliom iluy have urgud no personal or polit- 
ical • •! j- ■■t:"ii." 

Thp B< ntleman from Geor:jin will pardon inc if, in using liis" 'sledge-hammer, 
I linto hnockfJ out some of hit brains, (words.) 

.M\ lioiiurable colli- nj,'ui; i^.Mf. Holsto.n) will pardon me if I make a similar 

use of Iii9 ^|>Ofch. lief aid: 

'• A: ! ;!' \ u , t'i' .Idminx^tration iiar/y) had only voted the other day for the honorable and 
' \n from yirT^inta', {Mr. Smith,) he would have been elected. You are, 

i. ,:,ii haa ihc ]m»w«t to orwiini/.e this Hou.'<e." 

'Ihe iinln-9 III ilie last two sporcli(>s of Mr. CoBB and Mr. Houston are my 
own. I only «i>li to avail rnysuir of ilieir arguments, for which I have already 
gitrii tlirin full crrdil. 

Now, r»-llt>«*-citi/cii<«, «lif>ro r<"?i!< (lie responsibility? The Administration 
pnrlt in\e clii»r:,fvd and provr-d thai the Republican \)^t\.) is the responsible parly, 
ihrreby Julmilliiig that ihe National Ani'^rican is not responsible. I have shown 
llic prt'ciK** dpgrec of respoii!<ibilily resting on the Administration party which 
• ulhnrizpd ilii.-» clinrge n<;aiiist the Republicans. Upon the same state of facts 
the ^IJministralion porly is the responsible party. And I feel assured that the 
country at largo will bUbtain the National Americans in the position in which 
circuinsiaiici-9 |>lncod them, and which they have occupied with so much furti- 
tuJo diiriiit; ihi."* yreal and trying emergency. 

It is well known that llu' L'nioii iiewsj)aper. the leading organ of tlieAdminis- 
tration, lias hurttaiii) d the Adminulration jiarly in the House, in «// its movements 
during tlii<« ^real conirovcrsy. 'I'he abusive character of the articles of lliat paper 
•gaiiiAl the American party i.s only equaled by the phrases of the Administration 
Oialors III Congress. Notwuhstandiiig an occasional expression of anxiety on the 
part of ilip oryan that an orgaiii/alioii should be made, it ought to be api)arcnlto 
llic close reader that the I'nion docs not want an organization. Judging iVoni the 
paragrapliB «if the le^hcr organ of the Administration parly, the Star, the Admin- 
lalraiiou pnrly hcein to be pcrlecily content without an organization. Some 
weeks ago ihr Star iitteied the following sentiments: 

*• Utiii I'll I (.\« N.— The l)< iiiorr.il.s of ihe House arc evidently ;)f)/fcn.i/ satisfied whh the 
ill the Ui j.rrdiiiuiiivtn' Chiuiil>er,and will not mourii if the first of ?iea:t 
■' -j-niiker i-iiosen. The truth is, the executive branch of the Government 

' >ni of n doilnr for rnrryin<r on iis portion of the public business until 

•■ r, ilie iii.aim for footing' ih.' bill until the first of July next havin* 
' ;■ r. The Deiiioeruis of ihe body argue that they are perfectly satisfied 

*«•' V nre, and lIuTefore have fivr elumges in aiiy of tliem to propose; 

■""; ' ■"'iii'.ii, who Imve rnme to Washington loaded down with pledges 

' ""livable in the Goveriuneiii, ran rest content to ' carry on' 

r ih. luHt month, tlu y (liie Democrats) will be slow, indeed, 

-. v.. II aware ihul ihe po]uiIar odium that must grow out of liie 

■ irtiMn Id unv busiiies.s whatever must full on those wlio, havhig 

' :'v in tlie rhHinb.'r, have ni.so on them, and cannot escape, the 

ilie exiHting eomliiioii of things. Indeed, we find the opinion 
' inrmtirrt that Ihr failurr of the Jfouse to oi-gnnirc is to prove a 

• .■■•;■ ■ ■ •••'•';■•'"">'/"''"«■''• "C/"-f»iiitn/io/f/«r/ion. They are evidently wrcHarijiff 

to iimkr llu moai of II iMforf the |., iiple." ^ j i t -a 

Thi. arliclc of the Star has not been publicly rebuked, as I have seen, by any 
memlH-r ol the Adininnilralion party. What, thon, are we to suppose''.? Ar« 
w* to cohcludo ilint ihft Adimni-lraiion parly do not want an or.rani/ation ? 
^re Ihey pn/tclly sali^fied with the exiitin:; Male of things, in iho Ian>rua.re of 



the Star? Place this article of (he Star side by side with the various articles of 
the Union laudatory of the stand taken by the immortal seventy-four, and view 
them ail, together with the caucus resolution and the speeches whicli have been 
made in Congress by the members of the Administration party, and will not the 
people of the country have the right to conclude that the Jidmiiiistration party 
does not want an organization ? What says the honorable gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania, (Mr. Cadwalader?) In answer to a few remarks of my own, in 
which I deprecated the waste of time consequent upon the protracted disor- 
ganization of the House, that gentleman said ; 

" I beg leave to dissent from the conclusions of the gentleman (Mr. Smith, of Alaljama) 
who has just taken his seat, that the House are altogether wasting the public time in their 
efforts to elect a Speaker, or that there has not been profit from the developments attendant upon the 
delays and apparent difficulties which have stood in the loay of its organization." 

Again, he says : 

" I am not sorry that they (the National American party) are able to throic into the teeth of the 
Democratic pai'ty, as they do, that v;e have not conciliated and will not conciliate them. We do not 
conciliate them, and we icill not involve ourselves in any compromise ivith them. We do not ask 
their votes." 

That honorable gentleman (Mr. C.) says further, in his plain and frank way, 
to tlie National Americans : 

I "An Abolitionist or the Democratic candidate (Mr. Richardson) must sooner or later be 
elected Speaker of this House by a majority or by a plurality of its votes. If you deem the 
choice of the Democratic candidate a less evil than that of an Abolitionist, vote, if you see 
proper, for the Democratic candidate. If you do so, you can expect nothing from him, or from 
the parly ^vhich lie will, in that case, represent. We do not ask this of you. Wc can offer you 
nothing in return for it." 

This sounds as if it came from the party " ex cathedra." What are we (the 
! National Americans) to understand from this? We have in our view the pro- 
posing of measures dear to us as patriots and vital to us as a party. We 
cannot move in our measures if the committees are stocked against us. Have 
we not a right at least to expect a- fair division of power on the committees ? I 
do not believe that there is a member of the National American party in Con- 
gress who would not scorn to ask for any particular place on any particular com- 
mittee; but as a party they have a right to expect a fair chance in the division 
of power — power to be created by the Speaker. Yet the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania [Mr. Cadwalader] says, in advance, " You can expect nothing 
from him," or from the party which he will represent. 

You will not fail to see, fellow-citizens, that the Administration party in Con- 
gjress iiave been proclaiming their repugnance to us in advance — first, in their 
:aucus, then in their published speeches, all going to verify the deadly proscrip- 
ive policy which is registered in the decrees of the Administration at the White 
House. 

But I must bring this letter to a close. I have been speaking as a member of 
he National American party. You all know that in the last canvass I pro- 
claimed and defended the principles of that party; that I was reelected alone 
ipon the issues arising out of the policy of that party ; that I dodged nothing; 
lid that my majority was nearly two thousand votes. I am here as the repre- 
entutive of the Mational American party, and I shall shrink from no duty which 
ny allegiance to that party may demand. 
Respectfully and gratefully, your servant, W. R. SMITH. 

P. S. Since the above was published, I have received a letter from a friend in 
[■"ayette, who informs me that it is reported and understood there that I am voting 
pr an Jlbolitionist for Speaker. No doubt there are many persons in my dis- 
•ict who would be glad to have it in their power to make that charge truthfully, 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



8 



and very many wlio would, and will, circulatp Q QjH qq-j gyg j ^ J*' 

satisfy inv frieiuis, and to confrntit tny enenne>, i n.-. - ...- , ^ vlr. 

Fuller, on the slavery question. In reply to IMr. Zollicoffer's questions, 
Mr. Fuller said: 

" PuMio history informs tis tlint sl!iveryoxist.-(l before tho Constitutimi, ninl, in my judgment, 
now exists iiul^pt'-ndi-nt nf tho Constitution. Wiipn the pcoplo of the ronfrch'iat.d Siati^s mrt, 
by their npn-s.-nuitivesin convf nlion, to foriin that Constitution, slnvory pxist.d in ail but one 
of llie Slat.-s of tlio Confeih-rncv. Tlio p.!opi<;, through thrir ivi.n'sciitalivos, having; an exist- 
ine nnd«.-kno\vl.d:,'.(l rii;ht to'liold slaves, concid.d this— tho rii,']it to prohibit importation— 
BfiiT the v.ar 1K)8. Tlify niadr no c. ssion, so far as ro2;ardiHl the cxistiMic of domestic 
Blavf-ry. Th<'y claimed— aiid it wnsE:ranted— the riffht of reclamation incase of escape. They 
dnime'd— nnd 'it was granted- the rij;fl of representation as an element of political power. 
And I hold, in tlie ab.sence of express authority, that Congress has no constitutional ne^ht to 
lesrislute upon th.- subject of slavery. [Applause.] I hold that the Territories are the com- 
mon i>r«.p. rty of all the States, and' that the people of all the States have a common n;^ht to 
enter upon aiid occupy tiiose Territories, and they are protected in that occupation by the flag 
of our common country; tliat Consre.ss has no constitutional power either to lec;islat(; slavery 
into, or exclude it from, a Territory. Neither has the Territorial Legi.slature, in my jndoment, 
any rijfht to le-rislate ujion that subject, except so far as it may be necessary to protect the 
citizens of the Territory in the enjoyment of their property, and that in pursuance of its organic 
law. as established by cono;ressioiial ligislation. When the citiz.'iis of the Territory shall 
apply for admission into the Union, they may determine for themselves the eharacter of their 
institutions, (by their State constitution;) and it is their rio:lit then to declare whether they 
■will tolerate slavery or not, and, thus fairly decidinc; for themselves, should be. admitted into 
the Union as States without reference to the subject of slavery. The Constitution was formed. 
by the peoide of the States for purposes of mutual advantage and protection. The States 
arc sovereignties, limited only so far as they have surrendered their powers to the General 
Government. The General Government, thus created and limiti^d, acts with certain positive, 
defined, and clearly ascertained powers. Its legislation and administration .should be con- 
troil'd by the Constitution; and it cannot justly employ its powers thus delegated to impair or 
destroy any existing or vested rights belonging to the people of any of the Slates." 

In reply to Mr. Barksdale's questions, Mr. Fuller said: 

*'^Ir. Clerk, I shall answer the questions specifically and directly, reserving to myself the 
privdegc of more full explanation hen'after. 

" ' Ar? you in favor of ristoring the Missouri restriction, or do you go for the entire pro- 
luhition of slnvoiy in all the Territories of the United States?' 

" I am opposed to any legislation upon those sul>jects for reasons already given. 

" * Are you in favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and the United States 
forts, doeic-yards, &c.'' 

•* I am not, sir. 

'* 'Do you believe in the equality of the white and black races in the United States, and do 
you wish to promote that e()Uality by legislation.'' 

*' I do not, sir. 1 acknowlt;dgi; a decided preference for white people. [Laughter.] 

'' ' Are you in favor of thi- entire exehision of adopted citizens and Roman Catholics from 
officer' [Cries of '* Yes or no!" and lau<rhter.] 

"Mr. Clerk, I think witli General Washington — and he is a very high authority — that it 
docs not comport with the policy of this country to appoint foreigners to office to the exclusion 
of n(ilive-l>orii citizens. [Loud ap))lause in the galleries.] But I wish to say that I proscribe 
no niun beruuse of hi« religion; I di'nounce no man because of his politics. I accord to all the 
InrgfBt liberty of opinion and of expression, of conscience and of worshi]"i. I care not, sir, 
wiiiil creed a muii may prof.-ss; 1 cnre not to what denomination he may belong; be he 
Mohammediiii, Ji:w, or (jciitih', I concede to him the rli;ht to worship according to the dictates 
of his own judgment. I invade no mini's altar, and would not disturb any man's V(5sted rights. 
Whatevi r we have been, whatevi-r we are, and whatever we may be, rests between us and 
Henven. I allow no mortal l<» be my mediator; and, judging no man, will by no man be 
judgi d. With regard to ihom- of foreiijn birth, I do not desire to exclude them. 1 say to them: 
*' (.-'oini', enter upon the public lands; occupy thi; public territory; build up for yourselves 
homiM, acquire oropcrty, nnil tiach your children to love the Coiisliiution and laws which 
pr<»i»-ct tli<Mn;" i>ui i <lo nay lliat in all mutters of legislation, and in all matters of adniinislra- 
lion, ,'lnifrieani ikould govern ,'hnerica." 

Tlii.s i"« ilin position of llie candidate of llie National Ami^ricnii party. And 
I will iid'i, that thai parly will not pronioic an organizaiion, except upon purely 
nalionnl irrounds. VV. R. S. 



